TÜRKİYE ORTA ASYA HABER KKUORDİNATÖRÜ

IFJ-INTERNATIONAL FEDERATION OF JOURNAL In Nepal, the merchants of religion are robbing the people of the dynasty and the dynasty's Ummah as subjects. The dynasty was overthrown by a popular revolution. The government in Nepal fled. Let no one forget this. Nero came and went. The dogs came and went. Mussolini came and went. Ceaușescu came and went. The dictator was forced to abandon his reign. Unrest leads to protests. Political protests and popular uprisings are not new in Nepal. The country's first mass uprising in 1990 ("Jana Andolan I") and the second in 2006 ("Jana Andolan II") called for major changes to the political system. Subsequent governments failed to meet the people's hopes for genuine reform. For the first time in the country's history, a protest of this magnitude was led entirely by young people from Generation Z (those born roughly between 1997 and 2012). Approximately 40% of Nepal's approximately 30 million people belong to this generation. Growing up in a digital culture shaped by the internet and social media platforms, this generation has experienced some of Nepal's worst years of political instability and frequent government changes. Fourteen governments have served in the last 15 years. Nepal declared its transition from a constitutional monarchy to a federal republic in 2008, but the new federal constitution was only adopted in 2015. However, this major change has brought little improvement for ordinary people. Despite some improvements in roads, electricity, and the internet, inequality, political corruption, elitism, and nepotism persist. Making the situation worse is the unemployment rate, which exceeds 10% overall and exceeds 20% among young people. Social media ban sparks protests In a country where more than 73% of households own mobile phones and nearly 55% of the population uses the internet, social media platforms are not only a source of entertainment and networking, but also a way to amplify political voices, especially when traditional media is perceived as biased towards political interests. Nepal's Generation Z uses social media as both a social and political space. #Nepobaby frequently trends on TikTok, while Instagram posts detail the lavish lifestyles enjoyed by politicians and their children, contrasting them with the harsh reality of many young people working low-wage jobs or forced to flee the country to survive. The government banned these social media platforms on September 3, citing a directive requiring companies to register in Nepal. The government argued that this move was necessary to control fake news, misinformation, and disinformation. However, Generation Z viewed the ban as censorship. The frustration spreading on social media quickly escalated into a nationwide uprising. The government lifted the ban on September 8, but this failed to save the coalition government. Similarities in Other Countries The protests in Nepal mirror similar movements recently carried out by young people in other parts of Asia, particularly in Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Indonesia. Like Bangladesh in 2024, young protesters in Nepal were fed up with corruption and unemployment. Similar to Sri Lanka's "Aragalaya" movement in 2022, protesters in Nepal fought against inequality and nepotism, which led to the collapse of the government. And like the student protests in Indonesia in recent weeks, Nepali protesters relied on memes, hashtags, and digital networks to organize rather than party mechanisms. So what happens next? What Nepal will do next remains uncertain. The army chief is coordinating with Generation Z activists to form an interim civilian government to prepare for new elections. This is a remarkable shift: The young people who rocked the streets are being asked to help shape the country's political future. Yet challenges remain. Young protesters continue to form a loose, leaderless network, lacking experience in running a state system. Following an online meeting on September 10, the protesters reportedly agreed to nominate former Supreme Court Chief Justice Sushila Karki, in her 70s, as the leader of the interim civilian government. Nepal's key institutions, such as the courts, bureaucracy, and security forces, are also largely dominated by the old elite. Any attempt to change the government would be met with resistance. Perhaps Nepal could learn from the recent experience of Bangladesh, where young protesters mobilized to help form an interim government led by Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus. Despite the challenges ahead, the uprising presented a historic opportunity to fix Nepal's broken system of government. But the real